Böcker i Cambridge Studies in International Relations-serien

This book relates the writings of Antonio Gramsci and others to the contemporary reconstruction of historical materialist theories of international relations. The contributors argue that the emerging world order is undergoing a 'triple crisis' involving economic, political and 'socio-cultural' change.

The emergence of private authority is a feature of the post-Cold War world. This volume examines the implications of this erosion of the power of the state for global governance, analysing actors ranging from financial institutions to religious terrorists. This book is an important contribution to debates concerning globalization.

The first major treatment of the republican way of thinking about law, politics, and society in the context of international thought. The author's discussion of republicanism starts with Aristotle and culminates in the eighteenth century, when international thought became a distinctive enterprise.

In this 1996 book, Roger Spegele develops a new version of realism which stresses links between ethics and international politics.

Cynthia Weber offers an original and important contribution to the understanding of sovereignty, the state and intervention in international relations theory.

This is the first comprehensive study of how different ethical traditions deal with the central moral problems of international affairs.

This book argues that increasing engagement between international institutions and sectors of civil society is producing a new form of global governance. The authors investigate 'complex multilateralism' by studying the relationship between three multilateral economic institutions (the IMF, World Bank, and World Trade Organization), and three global social movements (environmental, labour and women's movements). They provide a rich comparative analysis of the institutional response to social movement pressure, tracing institutional change, policy modification and social movement tactics as they struggle to influence the rules and practices governing trade, finance and development regimes. The contest to shape global governance is increasingly being conducted upon a number of levels and amongst a diverse set of actors. Analysing a unique breadth of institutions and movements, this book charts an important part of that contest.

The definition of realism is often debated by students of international politics. Michael Williams offers an important re-interpretation of thinkers such as Rousseau, Hobbes and Morgenthau arguing that contemporary realism is at odds with their central concerns. This book will interest scholars of international relations and the history of ideas.

It is commonly said that democracies very seldom fight each other. Huth and Allee re-evaluate this claim by testing three theoretical models using 348 territorial disputes from 1919-95. The results support the importance of democratic accountability and norms in shaping the diplomatic and military policies of democratic leaders.

African independence launched into international politics a group of the world's poorest, weakest, and most artificial states. Christopher Clapham shows how an initially supportive international environment has become increasingly threatening to African rulers and the states over which they preside.

Exploring the interdependence of states and firms, the authors show how global changes can impel governments to seek the cooperation of multinational enterprises. They present the impact on projects of the factors affecting the bargaining relationships between governments and foreign firms.

Do great leaders make history? Or are they compelled to act by historical circumstance? This debate has remained unresolved since Thomas Carlyle and Karl Marx framed it in the mid-nineteenth century, yet implicit answers inform our policies and our views of history. In this book, Professor Bear F. Braumoeller argues persuasively that both perspectives are correct: leaders shape the main material and ideological forces of history that subsequently constrain and compel them. His studies of the Congress of Vienna, the interwar period, and the end of the Cold War illustrate this dynamic, and the data he marshals provide systematic evidence that leaders both shape and are constrained by the structure of the international system.

This far-reaching and fascinating study of foreign policy in South Africa begins by looking at the post-war challenges faced by the government of South Africa, and the effects of apartheid on foreign policy. It goes on to explore the repercussions of various periods of success and upheaval.

Britain's 1961 application was the first time that the European Community was obliged to consider a membership application from one of its neighbours. Piers Ludlow's 1997 study challenges traditional views of the British application and casts new light on the way in which the EEC responded to the challenge of enlargement.

Patrick Morgan's authoritative study revisits the place of deterrence after the Cold War. By assessing and questioning the state of modern deterrence theory, particularly under conditions of nuclear proliferation, Morgan argues that there are basic flaws in the design of the theory that ultimately limits its utility. Given the probable patterns of future international politics, he suggests that greater attention be paid to 'general' deterrence as opposed to 'immediate' deterrence and to examining the deterrent capabilities of collective actors such as NATO and the UN Security Council. Finally he contends that the revolution in military affairs can promote less reliance on deterrence by retaliatory threats, support better collective management of peace and security and permit us to outgrow nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction. This new major work builds upon Patrick Morgan's landmark book, Deterrence (1983).

This book, first published in 1989, gives a critical account of formal international relations theory. That formal and mathematical methods can be applied to the study of international relations is often regarded with surprise, but mathematical methods have been applied to the study of international behaviour since the pioneering work of Lewis Fry Richardson in the 1920s and 1930s.

This ambitious book, first published in 2000, rewrites the terms of debate about globalization. Martin Shaw offers a fundamental critique of modern social thought and global theory. Required reading for sociology, politics and international relations, the book gives a historical, theoretical and political framework for understanding state and society in the emerging global age.

Robert Cox's writings have had a profound influence on recent developments in thinking in world politics and political economy in many countries. This book brings together for the first time his most important essays, grouped around the theme of world order. The volume is divided into sections dealing respectively with theory; with the application of Cox's approach to recent changes in world political economy; and with multilateralism and the problem of global governance. The book also includes a critical review of Cox's work by Timothy Sinclair, and an essay by Cox tracing his own intellectual journey. This volume will be an essential guide to Robert Cox's critical approach to world politics for students and teachers of international relations, international political economy, and international organisation.

This analysis of the historical evolution and contemporary form of the system of world politics utilizes contemporary theories and debates in sociology and global history. Critically reflecting also on world politics in the field of international relations, this book will appeal to a wide readership in a range of fields.

Theory of Unipolar Politics provides the first theory of international politics applicable to the post-Cold War world. According to Dr Nuno P. Monteiro, contrary to existing views, this type of international system, in which there is no overall balance of power, is both potentially durable and prone to frequent conflict.

The first comprehensive examination of restraint in international politics, considered across a range of psychological, social, political, and institutional contexts as a political process, device, and strategy. For scholars and students of international relations, particularly those interested in the role of emotions, or social and political psychology.

Despite repeatedly being surprised by unexpected change, mainstream international relations continues to assume that the world is governed by calculable risk based on estimates of power. Protean Power highlights and challenges this assumption by arguing for the acknowledgement of uncertainty as an important condition of political and social life.

In this book, Paul Sharp argues that we can identify a distinct diplomatic tradition of international thought derived from the unique position diplomats occupy between the groups in which we live. This tradition sheds new insights on big questions about international systems and societies and suggests innovative ways of handling contemporary international issues.

This book develops the idea that since decolonisation, regional patterns of security have become more prominent in international politics. The authors combine an operational theory of regional security with an empirical application across the whole of the international system. Individual chapters cover Africa, the Balkans, CIS Europe, East Asia, EU Europe, the Middle East, North America, South America, and South Asia. The main focus is on the post-Cold War period, but the history of each regional security complex is traced back to its beginnings. By relating the regional dynamics of security to current debates about the global power structure, the authors unfold a distinctive interpretation of post-Cold War international security, avoiding both the extreme oversimplifications of the unipolar view, and the extreme deterritorialisations of many globalist visions of a new world disorder. Their framework brings out the radical diversity of security dynamics in different parts of the world.

Drawing upon philosophy and social theory, Social Theory of International Politics develops a theory of the international system as a social construction. Alexander Wendt clarifies the central claims of the constructivist approach, presenting a structural and idealist worldview which contrasts with the individualism and materialism which underpins much mainstream international relations theory. He builds a cultural theory of international politics, which takes whether states view each other as enemies, rivals or friends as a fundamental determinant. Wendt characterises these roles as 'cultures of anarchy', described as Hobbesian, Lockean and Kantian respectively. These cultures are shared ideas which help shape state interests and capabilities, and generate tendencies in the international system. The book describes four factors which can drive structural change from one culture to another - interdependence, common fate, homogenization, and self-restraint - and examines the effects of capitalism and democracy in the emergence of a Kantian culture in the West.

Molly Cochran offers an account of the development of normative theory in international relations over the past two decades. In particular, she analyses the tensions between cosmopolitan and communitarian approaches to international ethics and offers an argument for a pragmatist approach.

After outlining social scientific approaches to international relations, Professor Nicholson describes the problems of rational decision-making in conflict situations.

Drawing on Freud, Mead, Erikson, Parsons and Habermas,William Bloom relates mass psychological processes to international relations, and provides a rigorously argued answer to the longstanding theoretical problem of how to aggregate from individual attitudes to mass behaviour.