Böcker i Chicago Studies in American Politics-serien

That the president uniquely represents the national interest is a political truism, yet this idea has been transformational, shaping the efforts of Congress to remake the presidency and testing the adaptability of American constitutional government.

One of the most distinctive aspects of our politics today is the sorting of religious and non-religious voters into different parties; Margolis shows that this is more an effect of partisan sorting than a cause.

An analysis of how all politics became non-local-how US politics has increasingly become nationalized, so that local races break down on the same partisan lines and issues as national ones, even if that wouldn't necessarily make sense at a glance.

Combining existing research with novel data from US presidential archives, this book shows that presidents make policy by largely ignoring the views of most citizens in favor of affluent and well-connected political insiders. It is suitable for those interested in US politics, public opinion, democratic theory, and more.

When the author's sister-in-law, Marcella Wagner, was run off the freeway by a hit-and-run driver, she was left paralyzed from the chest down. Like so many Americans, neither Marcella nor her husband, Dave, had health insurance. Using Marcella and Dave's situation as a case in point, the author reveals the system's many shortcomings.

Eight of the last twelve presidents were millionaires when they took office. Why is it that most politicians in America are so much better off than the people who elect them - and does the social class divide between citizens and their representatives matter? The author answers this question with a resounding - and disturbing - yes.

Drawing on experiments and survey data, this title shows that Americans who watch partisan programming do become more certain of their beliefs and less willing to weigh the merits of opposing views or to compromise.

The United States imprisons far more people, total and per capita, than any other country in the world. Among the more than 1.5 million Americans incarcerated, minorities and the poor are disproportionately represented. The author offers evidence that living in a high-imprisonment neighborhood significantly decreases political participation.