Böcker i Theories of Institutional Design-serien

This volume illustrates and synthesizes new theories of institutional design recently developed by scholars across a range of disciplines - political science, economics, sociology, history, and philosophy. The contributors emphasize the important interpenetration of normative and empirical issues in institutional design theories.

How are we to handle the tension between expertise and democracy? Developing a democratic model of expert authority, this book describes the ways in which civil society, expert institutions, and democratic innovations can contribute to its production. It addresses deliberative democrats, but will also interest scholars working in environment, health policy, and science communication.

'Deliberative democracy' dominates democratic theory, but has become too narrowly focused on small-scale consultation exercises. This volume reopens the field, showing how states, and even transnational systems, can be deliberatively democratic. It sets out a new theory but also emphasizes the problems of applying that theory in practice.

Over fifty years ago, Albert Hirschman argued that dissatisfied consumers could either voice complaint or exit when they were dissatisfied with goods or services. Loyal consumers would voice rather than exit. Hirschman argued that making exit easier from publicly provided services, such as health or education, would reduce voice, taking the richest and most articulate away and this would lead to the deterioration of public services. This book provides the first thorough empirical study of these ideas. Using a modified version of Hirschman's account, examining private and collective voice, and viewing loyalty as a form of social investment, it is grounded on a dedicated five-year panel study of British citizens. Given government policies over the past decade or more which make exit easier from public providers, this is a timely publication for all those who care about the quality of government services.

This book offers an account of key features of modern representative democracy. Working from the rational actor tradition, it builds a middle ground between orthodox political theory and the economic analysis of politics. Standard economic models of politics emphasise the design of the institutional devices of democracy as operated by essentially self-interested individuals. This book departs from that model by focusing on democratic desires alongside democratic devices, stressing that important aspects of democracy depend on the motivation of democrats and the interplay between devices and desires. Individuals are taken to be not only rational, but also somewhat moral. The authors argue that this approach provides access to aspects of the debate on democratic institutions that are beyond the narrowly economic model. They apply their analysis to voting, elections, representation, political departments and the separation and division of powers, providing a wide-ranging discussion of the design of democratic institutions.

Democracy is inherently difficult in societies divided along deep ethnic cleavages. Elections in such societies will often encourage 'centrifugal' politics which reward extremist ethnic appeals, zero-sum political behaviour and ethnic conflict, and which consequently often lead to the breakdown of democracy. Reilly examines the potential of 'electoral engineering' as a mechanism of conflict management in divided societies. He focuses on the little-known experience of a number of divided societies which have used preferential, vote-pooling electoral systems - such as Papua New Guinea, Sri Lanka, Northern Ireland and Fiji. Examination of these cases shows that electoral systems which encourage bargaining between rival political actors, which promote the development of broad-based, aggregative political parties and which present campaigning politicians with incentives to attract votes from a range of ethnic groups can, under certain conditions, encourage the development of moderate, accommodatory political competition in divided societies.

Can we design institutions that increase and deepen citizen participation in the political decision making process? At a time when there is growing disillusionment with the institutions of advanced industrial democracies, there is also increasing interest in new ways of involving citizens in the political decisions that affect their lives. This book draws together evidence from a variety of democratic innovations from around the world, including participatory budgeting in Brazil, Citizens' Assemblies on Electoral Reform in Canada, direct legislation in California and Switzerland and emerging experiments in e-democracy. The book offers a rare systematic analysis of this diverse range of democratic innovations, drawing lessons for the future development of both democratic theory and practice.

The idea of 'deliberative democracy' suggests that democracies need collective deliberation and reflection as much as they need voting to make public decisions. Contributors to this book assess the merits of the British Columbia Citizens' Assembly, an unprecedented deliberative institution which empowered ordinary citizens to redesign their electoral system.

Promising increased efficiency and superior service, the quasi-government has grown as governmental functions have been delegated to new entities that combine characteristics of public- and private-sector organizations. In this book, Koppell argues that control of public policy is sacrificed when policy is carried out by such hybrid organizations.

In the United States many important programs, such as Social Security and Medicare, are paid from trust funds. This book provided the first comprehensive study of this significant yet little-studied feature of the American welfare state, and also raises a fundamental question of democratic politics: can current officeholders bind their successors?

Traditionally, policy analysis has been state-centred. Today, however, policy-making is often carried out in loosely organized networks of public authorities, citizen associations and private enterprises. Providing examples from around the world, the contributors to this 2003 book argue that democratic governance now calls for a new deliberatively-oriented policy analysis.

This book examines the way democracy and democratization are thought about and lived by people in China, Russia and eleven other countries in the post-communist world. It shows how democratic politics work in these countries, and generates insights into the prospects for different kinds of political development.

Policy-Making and Diversity in Europe examines the European polity and its policy-making processes. In particular, it asks how an institution which is so riddled with veto points manages to be such an active and aggressive policy maker. Heritier argues that the diversity of actors' interests and the consensus-forcing nature of European institutions would almost inevitably stall the decision-making process, were it not for the existence of creative informal strategies and policy-making patterns. Termed by the author 'subterfuge', these strategies prevent political impasses and 'make Europe work'. The book examines the presence of subterfuge in the policy domains of market-making, the provision of collective goods, redistribution and distribution. Subterfuge is seen to reinforce the primary functions of the European polity: the accommodation of diversity, policy innovation and democratic legitimation. Professor Heritier concludes that the use of subterfuge to reconcile unity with diversity and competition with co-operation is the greatest challenge facing European policy-making.

This title defends the universal welfare state against a number of important criticisms which it has faced in recent years. The book combines philosophical analysis of issues on what the state ought to do with scientific research in public policy examining what the state can do.

This book examines the problems and issues facing formerly communist states as they seek to develop a new democratic political order and a market economy.

An original analysis of the political institutions which protect property and individual rights.

'Deliberative politics' refers to the role of conversation and arguments in politics. Until recently discussion of deliberative politics took place almost exclusively among political philosophers, but many questions raised in this philosophical discussion cry out for empirical investigation. This book provides the first extended empirical study of deliberative politics, addressing, in particular, questions of the preconditions and consequences of high level deliberation. Using parliamentary debates in Germany, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States as an empirical base, the authors measure the level of deliberation by constructing a 'Discourse Quality Index'. As deliberative politics moves to the forefront of political theory, this book makes an important contribution to deliberative democracy.

The modern world is dominated by complex organisations. In this book Mark Bovens analyses the questions associated with the search for responsibility within such organisations. The analysis is multidisciplinary, combining law, social science, ethics, and organisational design, and provides a number of suggestions for institutional reform.

Traditionally, policy analysis has been state-centred. Today, however, policy-making is often carried out in loosely organized networks of public authorities, citizen associations and private enterprises. Providing examples from around the world, the contributors to this 2003 book argue that democratic governance now calls for a new deliberatively-oriented policy analysis.

It has been assumed that mere awareness of the causes of environmental degradation will not motivate citizens to reduce pollution. Here the authors counter-argue that most citizens are willing to contribute voluntarily towards safeguarding the environment, but that their willingness depends on the social context of the problem they face.

This volume illustrates and synthesizes new theories of institutional design recently developed by scholars across a range of disciplines - political science, economics, sociology, history, and philosophy. The contributors emphasize the important interpenetration of normative and empirical issues in institutional design theories.

This compelling book explains why accountability for corporate crime is rarely imposed under the present law, and proposes solutions which would help to extend responsibility to a wide range of actors.

A 'social trap' is a situation where individuals, groups or organisations are unable to cooperate owing to mutual distrust and lack of social capital, even where cooperation would benefit all. Examples include civil strife, pervasive corruption, ethnic discrimination, depletion of natural resources and misuse of social insurance systems. Much has been written attempting to explain the problem, but rather less material is available on how to escape it. In this book, Bo Rothstein explores how social capital and social trust are generated and what governments can do about it. He argues that it is the existence of universal and impartial political institutions together with public policies which enhance social and economic equality that creates social capital. By introducing the theory of collective memory into the discussion, Rothstein makes an empirical and theoretical claim for how universal institutions can be established.

'Deliberative democracy' dominates democratic theory, but has become too narrowly focused on small-scale consultation exercises. This volume reopens the field, showing how states, and even transnational systems, can be deliberatively democratic. It sets out a new theory but also emphasizes the problems of applying that theory in practice.