Böcker av Bertrand Russell

Why I am not a Christian is considered one of the most blasphemous philosophical documents ever written, and at a time when we have faith schools and wars over religious beliefs, its message today couldn't be more relevant.

History Of Western Philosophy was published in 1946. A dazzlingly ambitious project, it remains unchallenged to this day as the ultimate introduction to Western philosophy.

Bertrand Arthur William Russell, 3rd Earl Russell OM FRS (18 May 1872 - 2 February 1970) was a British polymath, philosopher, logician, mathematician, historian, writer, social critic, political activist, and Nobel laureate. Throughout his life, Russell considered himself a liberal, a socialist and a pacifist, although he sometimes suggested that his sceptical nature had led him to feel that he had "never been any of these things, in any profound sense". Russell was born in Monmouthshire into one of the most prominent aristocratic families in the United Kingdom. In the early 20th century, Russell led the British "revolt against idealism". He is considered one of the founders of analytic philosophy along with his predecessor Gottlob Frege, colleague G. E. Moore and protégé Ludwig Wittgenstein.

Previously published: New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953.

How do we know what we 'know'? How did we - as individuals and as a society - come to accept certain knowledge as fact? This title questions the reliability of our assumptions on knowledge. It investigates the relationship between 'individual' and 'scientific' knowledge.

Logic and Knowledge presents Russell's most important work on these topics in a single volume, which by placing philosophical logic at its core was of monumental importance in shaping the path of analytical philosophy. This Routledge Classics edition includes a new Foreword by Graham Stevens.

The author attempts to create a brief and accessible guide to the problems of philosophy. He introduces philosophy as a repeating series of (failed) attempts to answer the same questions: Can we prove that there is an external world? Can we prove cause and effect? Can we validate any of our generalizations? Can we objectively justify morality? He asserts that philosophy cannot answer any of these questions and that any value of philosophy must lie elsewhere than in offering proofs to these questions.Focusing on problems he believes will provoke positive and constructive discussion, Russell concentrates on knowledge rather than metaphysics: If it is uncertain that external objects exist, how can we then know of them but by probability? There is no reason to doubt the existence of external objects simply because of sensory data.The book also looks at the question of mathematical truths and philosophy within mathematics, particularly the question of how pure mathematics is possible.Russell guides the reader through his famous 1910 distinction between knowledge by acquaintance and knowledge by description and introduces important theories of Plato, Aristotle, René Descartes, David Hume, John Locke, Immanuel Kant, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, and others to lay the foundation for philosophical inquiry by general readers and scholars alike.

Ainsi que la plupart des gens de ma génération, j¿ai été élevé selon le principe que l¿oisiveté est mère de tous vices. Comme j¿étais un enfant pétri de vertu, je croyais tout ce qüon me disait, et je me suis doté d¿une conscience qui m¿a contraint à peiner au travail toute ma vie. Cependant, si mes actions ont toujours été soumises à ma conscience, mes idées, en revanche, ont subi une révolution. En effet, j¿en suis venu à penser que l¿on travaille beaucoup trop de par le monde, que de voir dans le travail une vertu cause un tort immense, et qüil importe à présent de faire valoir dans les pays industrialisés un point de vue qui diffère radicalement des préceptes traditionnels. Tout le monde connaît l¿histoire du voyageur qui, à Naples, vit douze mendiants étendus au soleil (c¿était avant Mussolini), et proposa une lire à celui qui se montrerait le plus paresseux. Onze d¿entre eux bondirent pour venir la lui réclamer : il la donna donc au douzième. Ce voyageur était sur la bonne piste. Toutefois, dans les contrées qui ne bénéficient pas du soleil méditerranéen, l¿oisiveté est chose plus difficile, et il faudra faire beaucoup de propagande auprès du public pour l¿encourager à la cultiver. J¿espère qüaprès avoir lu les pages qui suivent, les dirigeants du Y.M.C.A. 1 lanceront une campagne afin d¿inciter les jeunes gens honnêtes à ne rien faire, auquel cas je n¿aurai pas vécu en vain.

"Proposed Roads to Freedom" is a book by the British philosopher Bertrand Russell. The book presents a comprehensive critique of the existing social, political, and economic systems, and proposes new ways to achieve individual freedom and social justice. Russell argues that the current capitalist economic system is inherently flawed, leading to inequality and exploitation of the working class. In addition to economic reform, Russell also proposes changes in education, religion, and gender relations to create a more equitable and just society. He advocates for an education system that encourages free inquiry and critical thinking, rather than rote memorization. He also critiques organized religion and calls for a separation of church and state. Moreover, "Proposed Roads to Freedom" is a thought-provoking and radical critique of the status quo, offering a vision for a more just and equal society.

British philosopher, logician, and political activist Bertrand Russell had a broad spectrum of political views. His dedication to human liberty, social fairness, and international collaboration influenced his worldview. Russell upheld the importance of one's own independence, free expression, and individual liberty. He believed that liberalism was the philosophy of politics that best promoted individual liberty. Russell was a socialist who saw wealth redistribution and economic equality as necessary. He believed that socialism will help to create a society that is more fair and equitable. Russell thought that nationalism and war were evil forces that needed to be defeated. He pushed for the establishment of a global government that would endeavor to stop conflicts and promote intergovernmental harmony. Russell was a staunch pacifist who thought that no circumstance ever called for going to war. He considered the use of force to be a failure of diplomacy and thought that international conflicts might be settled amicably. Russell felt that every person has intrinsic value and dignity. He believed that humanism may help people thrive and be happy. Russell's political beliefs were primarily motivated by the desire to build a fairer, peaceful, and equitable society that upholds individual freedom, fosters economic equality, and values international cooperation.

Bertrand Russell released a collection of articles titled "Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays" in 1917. The pieces discuss a variety of subjects, including the essence of truth, the boundaries of knowledge, and the interaction between science and religion. In the first article, "Mysticism and Logic," the distinctions between mystical and scientific modes of thought are explored. Russell contends that science is supported by logic and factual data, while mysticism is based on faith and intuition. Russell argues in "The Role of Science in a Liberal Education" that science is crucial to a well-rounded education because it fosters skepticism and critical thinking. The writings "The Study of Mathematics," "On Scientific Method in Philosophy," and "The Ultimate Constituents of Matter" are among the others in the book. These writings examine issues including the nature of reality, the philosophy of mathematics, and the connection between science and philosophy. "Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays" is a tough and thought-provoking collection of articles that explores some of the most important issues surrounding human life. Russell writes in a straightforward, succinct manner, and his points are well substantiated. The writings continue to be a helpful resource for anybody interested in philosophy, science, or the nature of knowing and are still read and debated extensively today.

¿Existe algún conocimiento en el mundo que pueda ser tan cierto que ningún hombre razonable pueda dudar de él? Esta pregunta, que a primera vista puede no parecer difícil, es realmente una de las más complicadas que se pueden hacer. Cuando nos damos cuenta de los obstáculos que hay para dar una respuesta directa y confiable a esta pregunta, estamos ya en el camino del estudio de la filosofía ¿ porque la filosofía es, simplemente, el intento de dar respuesta a ese tipo de preguntas, sin premura y sin dogmatismos, tal como se hace en la vida común e inclusive en las ciencias, sino críticamente, después de explorar todo lo que hace de esas preguntas un verdadero rompecabezas y después que nos hayamos percatado de toda la vaguedad y la confusión en las que se basan nuestras ideas comunes.

Free Thought and Official Propaganda is a speech delivered in 1922 by Bertrand Russell on the importance of unrestricted freedom of expression in society, and the problem of the state and political class interfering in this through control of education, fines, economic leverage, and distortion of evidence. Russell starts out by describing the more common use of the term "free thought" to mean that one does not accept unquestioning belief in the popular religion of a region, or ideally of any religion at all. He notes that this is not allowed in any country at all, with the possible exception of China at that time. One could not, for example, immigrate to the US without swearing they are not an anarchist or polygamous, and once inside must not be communist. In Great Britain he must not express disbelief in Christianity, in Japan of Shinto. Russell notes that countries like these may think of themselves as having freedom of expression, but that some ideas are so obviously "monstrous and immoral" that such tolerance does not apply to them. But, he points out, this is exactly the same view that allowed torture during the Inquisition, that all ideas must be allowed to be expressed, no matter how obviously bad. This repression by the political class, Russell notes, is not limited to religion. Believers in free love or communism are treated even worse.

In The Analysis of Mind, one of his most influential and exciting books, Russell presents an intriguing reconciliation of the materialism of psychology with the antimaterialism of physics.Bertrand Russell unfolds his ideas on consciousness, instinct and habit, desire and feeling, introspection, perception, sensations and images, memory, words and meaning, belief, and characteristics of mental phenomenon. Throughout, he explores the mystery of the mind, and proposes that there exists a fundamental material of which both mind and matter exist. "The stuff of which the world of our experience is composed is, in my belief, neither mind nor matter, but something more primitive than either." He wrote. "Both mind and matter seem to be composite, and the stuff of which they are compounded lies in a sense between the two, in a sense above them both, like a common ancestor." It remains one of the most important works on the philosophy of the mind.

In The Problems of Philosophy, Bertrand Russell attempts to create a brief and accessible guide to the problems of philosophy. He introduces philosophy as a repeating series of (failed) attempts to answer the same questions: Can we prove that there is an external world? Can we prove cause and effect? Can we validate any of our generalizations? Can we objectively justify morality? He asserts that philosophy cannot answer any of these questions and that any value of philosophy must lie elsewhere than in offering proofs to these questions.Focusing on problems he believes will provoke positive and constructive discussion, Russell concentrates on knowledge rather than metaphysics: If it is uncertain that external objects exist, how can we then have knowledge of them but by probability. There is no reason to doubt the existence of external objects simply because of sense data.A lively and still one of the best introductions to philosophy, this book is a closer reading for students, specialists and casual reading for the general public.

Political Ideals was written during the upheaval of World War I. It is, in many ways, a statement of Russell's beliefs, a declaration of the ideas that influenced his thinking on the major events of the 20th century. In this sense, it is essential reading for every student of this great philosopher.Russell criticizes both capitalism and socialism based on his strong conviction that everything of value comes ultimately from the individual. The only true aim of politics, he says, is to give free play, as far as possible, to every person's natural creativity. This means that political systems should be designed to curb the deadening forces of acquisition, power, and convention, all of which tend to stifle individual creative impulses. Russell suggests that in an ideal system there would be autonomy within each politically important group and the principle of employee-ownership and self-governance within businesses would be the norm. Government would serve only as a neutral authority to decide questions between the various self-governing groups.

Written in response to the devastation of World War I, Why Men Fight lays out Bertrand Russell's ideas on war, pacifism, reason, impulse, and personal liberty. Russell argues that when individuals live passionately, they will have no desire for war or killing. Conversely, excessive restraint or reason causes us to live unnaturally and with hostility toward those who are unlike ourselves.In this book Russell talks about the reasons for wars. He talks about institutions that shape the life of an individual such as schools, state, marriage, churches, etc. and how they contribute to wars. And he concludes how to change the state of affairs so that wars can be prevented.This book is a must read for all with an intent to make this world peaceful and a better place.