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"There was a time when we proclaimed that we were part of a beautiful and fragmented chaos of affinity groups, conflicted organizations, disorganized rebels, all of whom were somehow part of the same social movement that was greater than the sum of its parts. We were more accurately a disorganized mob of enraged plebeians shaking our fists at a disciplined imperial army. Years ago we spoke of social movementism but now it only makes sense to drop the 'social' since this phase of confusion was incapable of understanding the social terrain. Disparate, unfocused, and divided movements lack a unified intentionality; they have proved themselves incapable of pursuing the necessity of communism."Five years ago The Communist Necessity was written to demarcate a revolutionary politics grounded in necessity from social movementism, and revolutionary science from contemporary intellectual fads. Now J. Moufawad-Paul's notorious polemic is back, still relevant and prescient. This second edition of Moufawad-Paul's first book includes a preface by Dao-yuan Chou and a reflective afterword by the author. New readers can discover why the recognition of communism's necessity "requires a new return to the revolutionary communist theories and experiences won from history."The Communist Necessity is a polemical interrogation of the practice of "social movementism" that has enjoyed a normative status at the centres of capitalism. Despite the fact that the name "communism" has been reclaimed by a variety of important intellectuals, J. Moufawad-Paul argues that, due to a failure to grapple with the concrete questions connected to historical moments of actually making revolution, movementist praxis remains hegemonic. More of a philosophical intervention than a historiography or political economy, The Communist Necessity engages in a quick and pointed manner with a variety of authors and tendencies including Alain Badiou, Jodi Dean, the Invisible Committee, Tiqqun, Théorie Communiste, and others. Moufawad-Paul argues that a refusal to recognize contemporary revolutionary movements from the 1980s to the present results in the reification of a capitalist "end of history" discourse within this movementist conceptualization of theory and practice.Originally written as a small essay on the left-wing blog MLM Mayhem, The Communist Necessity was expanded into a pocket-sized treatise in 2015, sketching out the boundaries of the movementist terrain, as well as its contemporary ideologues, so as to raise questions that may be uncomfortable for those still devoted to movementist praxis, particularly if they define themselves as marxist. Aware of his past affinity with social movementism, and with some apprehension of the problem of communist orthodoxy, Moufawad-Paul argues that the recognition of communism's necessity "requires a new return to the revolutionary communist theories and experiences won from history."J. Moufawad-Paul lives in Toronto and works as casualized contract faculty at York University where he received his PhD in philosophy. He is the author of Austerity Apparatus, Continuity and Rupture, and Demarcation and Demystification.Dao-yuan Chou is an organizer and author of Silage Choppers and Snake Spirits.

This collection of texts by V.I. Lenin was originally compiled by the Communist Working Circle, a Danish anti-imperialist group. In the late 1960s, the CWC developed the so-called "parasite state" theory linking the imperialist exploitation and oppression of the proletariat in the Global "South" with the establishment of states in the Global "North" in which the working class lives in relative prosperity. In connection with studies of this division of the world, CWC published these texts by Lenin with the title "On Imperialism and Opportunism."What is the relevance of these texts today? Firstly, the connection that Lenin posits between imperialism and opportunism-that is, the sacrifice of long-term socialist goals for short-term or sectional gains-is more pronounced than ever. Second, imperialism may, in many respects, have changed its economic mechanisms and its political form, but its content is fundamentally the same, namely, a transfer of value from the Global South to the Global North, with the political outcome being that the working class is divided into a highly-exploited proletariat in the South and a working class in the North which lives in relative prosperity. Lenin referred to this better-off section of the working class as a "labor aristocracy." With an introduction by former CWC member Torkil Lauesen.

An intergenerational dialogue on the meaning of feminist antifascism. Anti-Fascism Against Machismo collects & continues a conversation begun by Tammy Kovich (as "Petronella Lee") in 2019. Four feminist, antifascist revolutionaries jump off from each other's reflections & bring the particularities of their varied contexts to bear on one central problem: What has & will a women's war against fascism look like? Kovich kicks things off with a probing look at the central importance of gender to fascism, & its particular formulations in today's far right. She continues by examining the historic role of women as partisans in three antifascist wars of the 1930s & 40s-Ethiopia, Spain, & Yugoslavia-contrasting this with the restrictive image of "antifa" as a young, Euro man of a particular subcultural aesthetic & antifascist activity as not much broader than street fights. Finally, she builds on this to propose what an antifascism that takes a fight against patriarchal domination-on the right & the left-seriously. Butch Lee, a white woman who worked in support of Black revolutionary movements & who sought to elaborate a vision of what a women's revolutionary movement must be, responded to Kovich's zine a few months later. The 80-year-old Amazon theorist brings her life of experience & study to bolster Kovich's main points, while asking questions about some limits she sees in the work. From 1950s white, small town New Jersey to the civil rights struggle in Southside Chicago, refugees from Tsarist pogroms to the fighters of the Black Liberation Army, Lee's most autobiographical public writing-the last before her death in 2021-questions Kovich's framing of antifascism as a limited struggle that must expand to meet the needs of a properly revolutionary politics. While Kovich's work focuses on the position of revolutionary women, stuck between misogynist fascists & macho antifascism, Butch Lee reframes the discussion around the position of white women: the reproducers of the "white race," colonized for the role, yet so often participants, willing collaborators in the extension & preservation of white supremacy. Lee asks what it means to see today's fascists as transcending their previous role as fringe cosplayers, now becoming something more intractable & more deeply rooted in the changes occurring in global patriarchal capitalism. Veronica L. then offered her own contribution, advancing the conversation by seeing the ways in which the analyses of fascism offered by Lee & Kovich each illuminated different aspects of what they all see as profoundly inter-related phenomena. She also applies the earlier works to her own experiences as a white woman organizing without cis men & to the new context made by the experiences of the COVID-19 pandemic & the mass antiracist & anticolonial reverberations of #ShutDownCanada & the George Floyd rebellion, which had each reshaped the political context since Kovich & Lee's 2019 writings. The book also features a new introduction by El Jones, which continues & frames the discussion through her own experiences as a Black antifascist, antiracist, abolitionist organizer & educator on occupied Mi'kmaq land on Canada's east coast. In these times of rising instability, fracturing identities, & a resultant rise in challenges to & defences of white supremacist patriarchy, Antifascism Against Machismo makes a powerful contribution to the understanding needed for a revolutionary resistance at the same time as it offers a model for political discussion. Women building revolutionary theory together, between different contexts, across borders & generations, & beyond the stale fences of political sects.

Originally compiled and edited by the Communist Working Circle (CWC) in 1972, this is a republished collection of excerpts from the corpus of Marx and Engels. These texts show the evolution of Marx and Engels's ideas about the nascent labor aristocracy, and the enervating effects of colonialism and chauvinism on the British labour movement, with a focus on the British Empire of their time.This edition of On Colonies includes a substantial introduction by Marxist economist Zak Cope and former CWC member Torkil Lauesen, centering these concepts in theory and history. Cope and Lauesen show how Marx and Engels's initial belief that capitalism would expand seamlessly around the globe in the same way as it did in Europe was proven wrong by events, as instead worldwide imperialism spread capitalism as a polarizing process, not only between the bourgeoisie and the working class, but also as a division between an imperialist center and an exploited periphery. This fundamental contradiction gave capitalism completely new conditions of growth and accounts for its tragic longevity.Both foundational and indispensable, On Colonies provides a useful introduction to "Third Worldist" analysis of global capitalism, tracing its roots back to Marxism's earliest works.

These angry essays show how the massive New Afrikan uprisings of the 1960s were answered by the white ruling class: with the destruction of New Afrikan communities coast to coast, the decimation of the New Afrikan working class, the rise of the prison state and an explosion of violence between oppressed people. Taken on their own, in isolation, these blights may seem to be just more "social issues" for NGOs to get grants for, but taken together and in the context of amerikkkan history, they constitute genocide.

Introducing the issues of movement security: u.s. activist and author J. Sakai & long-time Canadian organizer Mandy Hiscocks.There are many books and articles reporting state repression, but not on that subject''s more intimate relative, movement security. It is general practice to only pass along knowledge about movement security privately, in closed group lectures or by personal word-of-mouth. In fact, when new activists have questions about security problems, they quickly discover that there is no "Security for Dummies" to explore the basics. Adding to the confusion, the handful of available left security texts are usually about underground or illegal groups, not the far larger public movements that work on a more or less legal level. During Montreal''s 2013 Festival of Anarchy, J. Sakai gave a workshop about the politics of movement security, sharing the results of typical incidents of both the movement''s successes and the movement''s failures in combating the "political police" or state security agencies. He also discussed the nature of those state sub-cultures. This booklet contains a transcript of that talk, and of the subsequent lively question and answer period; along with several after-the-workshop observations by Sakai.As he explains, "The key thing is, to start with, security is not about being macho vigilantes or having techniques of this or that. It''s not some spy game. Security is about good politics. That''s exactly why it''s so difficult. But everyone will say that they have good politics. So this has to be broken down, this has to be explained." Which is what he does in this unusual talk.Mandy Hiscocks comes at the topic from her personal experiences organizing against the 2010 G20 Summit in Toronto. In this in-depth interview, reprinted from the radical Canadian political journal Upping The Anti, Hiscocks describes how her political scene and groups she worked with were infiltrated by undercover agents over a year before the summit even occurred. These police infiltrators provided information used in the prosecution of anti-Globalization organizers and participants. Hiscocks provides an honest and sobering appraisal of the practical challenge of State infiltration, and of how subsequent decisions played out in regards to the anti-G20 organizing and the repression that resulted. Hiscocks spent a year in prison as a result of these experiences, shortly after this interview was conducted.

Follow the author''s odyssey from lumpen drug dealer to prisoner, to revolutionary New Afrikan, a teacher and mentor, one of a new generation rising of prison intellectuals. This book consists primarily of letters between Rashid and Outlaw, another revolutionary New Afrikan prisoner, smuggled between the segregation wing and general population over a period of months. These comrades educate themselves-and us as well-on Marxism and Maoism, the Five-Percenters, Dialectical Materialism, Dead Prez, Capitalism, Racism, Imperialism, Class Struggle, Revolutionary Nationalism, New Afrikan Independence, Psychology, and a host of other subjects, as they grapple with how to promote revolutionary consciousness in the most hostile of environments.Rashid has been in prison for twenty years-the past eighteen of which in segregation (solitary confinement). Shortly after this correspondence between himself and Outlaw, he and his comrade Shaka Sankofa Zulu founded the New Afrikan Black Panther Party-Prison Chapter. The NABPP-PC has since developed branches in various prisons across the u$ empire and has its own newsletter, Right On! A number of Rashid''s essays written as Minister of Defense of the NABPP-PC are also included in this book. For more about Rashid, including links to his writings available online, please visit his website at http://www.rashidmod.com. .

Defending the legacy of New Afrikans' historic struggle for Land, Independence, and Socialism, Sanyika Shakur spells out a uniquely liberatory Revolutionary Nationalist vision.