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Illuminating the entangled histories of the people and commodities that circulated across the Atlantic, Sharika Crawford assesses the Caribbean as a waterscape where imperial and national governments vied to control the profitability of the sea.

Surveying some two dozen films and the literary and historical sources from which they were adapted, John Inscoe argues that in the American imagination Appalachia has long represented far more than deprived and depraved hillbillies. Rather, the films he highlights serve as effective conduits into the region's past.

The fight for racial equality in the nineteenth century played out not only in marches and political conventions but also in the print and visual culture created and disseminated throughout the US by African Americans. Aston Gonzalez charts the changing roles of African American visual artists as they helped build the world they envisioned.

Explores antebellum American conceptions of bioplasticity - the body's ability to react and change from interior and exterior forces - and argues that literature helped to shape the cultural reception of these ideas.

Focusing on the construction and performance of racial identity in works by writers from the antebellum period through Reconstruction, Julia Charles creates a new discourse around racial passing to analyse mixed-race characters' social objectives when crossing into other racialized spaces.

In this sweeping history, Jean Casimir argues that the story of Haiti begins with a reconstruction of how individuals from Africa, in the midst of the golden age of imperialism, created a sovereign society based on political imagination and a radical rejection of the colonial order, persisting even through the US occupation in 1915.

In Fighting for Citizenship, Brian Taylor complicates existing interpretations of why black men fought in the Civil War. Civil War-era African Americans recognized the urgency of a core political concern: how best to use the opportunity presented by this conflict over slavery to win abolition and secure enduring black rights.

This history of a newly independent Cuba shaking off the US occupation focuses on the intersection of public health and politics in Havana. While medical policies were often used to further American colonial power, in Cuba they evolved into important expressions of anticolonial nationalism as Cuba struggled to establish itself as a modern state.

Following the creation of the United States, profound disagreements remained over how to secure the survival of the republic and unite its population. In this groundbreaking account, Billy Coleman uses the history of American music to illuminate the relationship between elite power and the people from the early national period to the Civil War.

Weaving together biography and political history, Michael Woods restores Jefferson Davis and Stephen Douglas's fatefully entwined lives and careers to the centre of the Civil War era. Operating on personal, partisan, and national levels, Woods traces the deep roots of Democrats' internal strife.

Using Alan Berkman's unfinished prison memoir, FBI records, letters, and hundreds of interviews, Susan Reverby sheds fascinating light on questions of political violence and revolutionary zeal in her account of Berkman's extraordinary transformation from doctor to co-conspirator for justice.

In Athens, Georgia in the '80s, if you were young and willing to live without much money, anything seemed possible. Cool Town reveals the passion, vitality, and enduring significance of a bohemian scene that became a model for others to follow.

The Army of the Potomac was a hotbed of political activity during the Civil War. In this comprehensive reassessment of the army's politics, Zachery Fry argues that the war was an intense political education for its common soldiers.

Robert Schwartz examines the French government's attempts to suppress mendicity from the reign of Louis XIV to the Revolution. His study provides a rich account of the evolution of poverty, the varied and shifting attitudes toward the delinquent poor, and the government's efforts to control mendicity by strengthening the state's repressive machinery during the eighteenth century. As Schwartz demonstrates, popular conceptions of the mendicant poor in the ancient regime increasingly focused on the threat that they presented to the rest of society, thereby opening the way for the central state to augment its authority and enhance its credibility by acting as the agent protecting the majority of the populace from its threat to public security.Government efforts to control the activity of the "e;unworthy poor"e; -- those of sound mind and body who were seen to prefer idleness over productive work -- were most pronounced during two periods of repressive policing, one in the early eighteenth century and the other in the last two decades before the Revolution. From 1724 to 1733 beggars were interned in hopitaux, existing municipal institutions intended for the care of the "e;worthy poor,"e; including orphans, the infirm, and the aged. But from 1768 until the outbreak of the Revolution, more stringent measures were taken. Sturdy beggars and vagrants were confined apart from the worthy poor on specially established, royal workhouses called depots de mendicite, and in the case of some repeat offenders, were sentenced to the galleys. This stepped-up level of policing arose not only from royal administrators' long-standing view of mendicity as criminal activity; it was also made possible because the propertied classes had likewise come to believe the mendicant poor were a danger rather than a nuisance. Economic and demographic conditions combined to swell the ranks of paupers and vagrants, especially in the 1760s and 1770s, and social tensions, along with calls for government action, multiplied in proportion to their numbers. As villagers came to call upon the improved royal police for help, a popular mental association of the state with public security began to take root.In arriving at these conclusions, Schwartz concentrates on law enforcement in a single area, Lower Normandy, but continually provides a perspective on local events by putting them in the context of national trends and realities. He tells the story of the poor in eighteenth-century France in sympathetic terms, giving a human face to poverty and to the men who policed its effects.Originally published in 1987.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

Asking why many American intellectuals have had such difficulty accepting wholeheartedly the cultural dimensions of democracy, Robert Dawidoff examines their alienation and ambivalence, a tradition of detachment he identifies as "e;Tocquevillian."e; In the work of three towering American literary figures - Henry Adams, Henry James, and George Santayana -- Dawidoff explores fully this distancing and uneasy response to democratic culture.Linked together by common Harvard, Cambridge, and New England connections, and by an upper-class, Brahmin background, each of these three writers, Dawidoff argues, was at once self-critical and contemptuous of cultural democracy -- especially its indifference to them and what they represented. But their claims to detached observation of democratic culture must be viewed skeptically, Dawidoff warns, and borrowed with caution.An important contribution of the book is its integration of gay issues into American intellectual history. Viewing James's and Santayana's attitudes toward their homosexuality as affecting their views of American society, Dawidoff examines this significant and overlooked element in the American intellectual and cultural mix. Dawidoff also includes powerful new readings of Adams's Democracy and James's The Ambassadors and discusses Santayana's Americanist essays.In his foreward, Alan Trachtenberg notes the "e;taboo"e; that seems to have fallen over the word democracy. "e;It is rarely encountered anymore in humanistic studies,"e; he says, "e; snubbed in favor of gender, class, race, region."e; This trend, he says, may be in part due to an unease about studying the culture in which we participate because the posture of the cutural critic implies a certain detachment. "e;The Genteel Tradition and the Sacred Rage returns the question of democracy to centerstage,"e; he concludes, "e;not as political theory alone but as cultural and personal experience."e;Originally published in 1992.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

Provides a full-bodied and living picture of the land that sprawls widely from the Potomac to the Rio Grande - a land of religious bigotry, ignorance, and stubborn fundamentalism, cape jessamine and moonlight, possum hunts and demagogues, local opinion and local cawn. It is the land that produced Huey Long, The Man Bilbo, and the Heflin thunder concerning "white supremacy".

The idea for this volume resulted from the preparation of a bulletin on poor relief in North Carolina for the State Board of Charities and Public Welfare. Beginning with the problems of pauperism, the author discusses the conditions of the three classes of poor: the able-bodied rogues, the impotent poor, and the children. He offers suggestions for possible solutions of the problems in poor relief.

This is the authentic story of the thirty-year effort of the Communist party to channel Afro-American protest in terms of Kremlin edicts rather than the Bill of Rights. From its beginnings after World War I, the party chose blacks as a major target in its recruiting campaign. Wilson shows the patriotism and wisdom of the black leaders who have resisted the pressure of the Communist attack.

Tells the story of an early effort toward technical education in the US South. Its sponsors were far-sighted Georgians who realized the value of engineering. It is a story of high standards, hard work, and trained men who went forth to serve in technical fields.

In Dalzell's story, a handful of Confederate cruisers killed the American carrying trade by so harrying Federal merchant shipping that world commerce took flight from ships flying the United States flag. The scene shifts often: from the high seas to high diplomatic intrigue in world capitals, to shipyards of supposedly neutral nations. Originally published in 1940.

This book is first of all a personal narrative that is alternately dramatic, thoughtful, and hilariously funny. It is also a vivid picture of plantation life before and during the Civil War and the beginnings of the building of a New South.

Leyburn shows the evolution in the early works of Henry James's power of relating comedy and tragedy and then analyses some of the ways in which, as a mature artist, he characteristically revealed the interconnections. In nothing is Henry James more modern than in his finding comedy and tragedy inseparable. Originally published in 1968.

Lehning finds that economic development in Marlhes did not destroy its peasantry. Rather, the peasants adjusted to the commercial forces of the industrial world by adapting traditional forms of behaviour and attitudes toward the new conditions, not abandoning old ways and adopting unfamiliar ones. Originally published in 1980.

These eighteen essays present innovative perspectives on global policies by introducing new concepts and by redefining others within the ecological framework. The authors explore a variety of ecological issues: food supply, oceanic pollution, climate disruption, and the more general need for equitable resource management. Originally published in 1979.

Warm ideas are clearly and beautifully present in this first collection of Wright's poetry, a collection marked by its great variety in form and subject. These poems can be demanding or deceptively simple. The most important aspect of Wright's poetry is the revelation of a man of compassion, a man who can feel and transmit that feeling to the reader.

The poems in this posthumous volume are grouped in five sections according to theme or subject matter; poems about art and the artist, about religion, about social issues, poems of a personal nature, and, finally, those employing the metaphor of teaching. The striking versatility of forms and moods demonstrates Godsey's success in attaining structure and diversity.

The purpose of these eleven scholars is to give the Russian official a distinct identity, to describe him in terms of the society from which he emerged, and to summarize the experience that rendered him ever more indispensable as the government became more complex. Quantitative data is skillfully integrated into the analysis of more than ten thousand official careers spanning some thirty decades.